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King's Highway , commonly referred to as Highway and colloquially as the "four-oh-seven", is a tolled series highway in the Canadian province of. This report includes: > Discussions on the design of several ancient ports (Actium, Alexandria, Apollonia, the Bosphorus, Delos, Caesarea Maritima.

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Опубликовано в Libsvm matlab windows torrent | Октябрь 2nd, 2012

115 silver hills eastbound and down torrent

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Some places have been studied from the point of view of coastal geomorphology e. Some places have been studied from the point of view of sailing from and to them e. Structures have been investigated in several ports e. Some documents neglected by many archaeologists have been studied and synthetised e. Some places have been re-analysed on the base of Google-Earth picture e.

Some places have been analysed by means of hydraulic computations e. I felt a strong motivation to explain what I had discovered, not to a few professionals who know all of that, but to other people like me who would appreciate a synthetic explanation.

With that aim in mind, I started my own web site in which has the same content as this Volume III www. Perhaps, a few new points of view popped up during these wanderings, and I hope they will be usefull. Antony inherited this tactic from the prestigious Demetrius Poliorcetes who developed it three centuries earlier. He probably intended to attack cities like Brindisi or Taranto with his maxi-galleys Murray, , p Antony thus stationed his fleet inside the Ambracian Gulf, rather on the southern banks, near Anactorium.

The distance between the -5 m isobaths on each side of the bar is around m a channel is now dredged at -7 m. It may be assumed that sea level rise of nearly 1 m over years does not interfere as a sandy or silty seabed just follows the sea water level. However, episodic changes may occur due to storms. This corresponds to a typical breeze regime. The storm occurring during 4 days before the naval battle on September 2, 31 BC, probably blowed from NW, generating waves running southwards parallel to the coastline and producing an unacceptable rolling of ships, hampering any naval battle.

In addition, these waves may have transported much sediment and displaced the shallows of the bar at the gulf outlet. Hence, gulf water possibly escaped to sea. Consequently, sea water would have to refill the gulf after the end of the storm.

At dawn of September 2, 31 BC, Antony is perhaps missing a land wind to exit the gulf, he may even have an adverse refilling current occurring after the storm, and rivers may have a reduced discharge in this season not providing him with an outbound fresh water surface current. His largest ships draught of 2 to 3 m may experience some difficulty sailing between the shallows which may have been moving around at the outlet of the gulf during the storm.

Moreover, some ships may be simply grounded on a shoal … Shame! The gods are against him. On the other hand, a few hours later, Cleopatra, who stayed somewhat backwards with her fleet during the battle, will use the setting in of the NW wind to escape to the south, saving at least part of the Egyptian treasury army wages that Octavian would have loved to take over, according to Dio Cassius Hist.

The battle Depending on the various ancient sources, Octavian had between and battle ships and Antony, with his numerous oriental allies, had between and ships, out of which 60 Egyptian ships Plutarch, Antony, In addition, each had hundreds of supply ships. According to Fourdirnoy a decareme might be twice as large as a trireme 70 x 10 x 2 m. It may therefore be said that Octavian was besieging Antony and that the latter had to attempt an exit manoeuvre.

His strategy is thus that of an earthling, not that of an admiral. It is quite clear that Antony was trying to avoid battle against Octavian and Agrippa in order to regroup somewhere on the Peloponnesian coast to prepare new plans to invade Italy. This is the reason why he burnt most of his under-manned Egyptian ships scorched-earth policy. This is also the reason why he took sails and gear, which was not according to common practise, when going out for a naval battle.

Murray p even suggests that he perhaps subtely rowed northwards in order to prepare to circumvent the Lefkada peninsula when the NW wind would set in. But, as mentioned above, the gods were not with him on that day.

And when they set sail at the sound of the trumpet, and with their ships in dense array drew up their line a little outside the strait and advanced no further, Caesar set out as if to engage with them, if they stood their ground, or even to make them retire. But when they neither came out against him on their side nor turned to retire, but remained where they were, and not only that, but also vastly increased the density of their line by their close formation, 5.

Caesar checked his course, in doubt what to do. He then ordered his sailors to let their oars rest in the water, and waited for a time; after this he suddenly, at a given signal, led forward both his wings and bent his line in the form of a crescent, hoping if possible to surround the enemy, or otherwise to break their formation in any case.

Antony, accordingly, fearing this flanking and encircling movement, advanced to meet it as best he could, and thus reluctantly joined battle with Caesar. So they engaged and began the conflict, each side indulging in a great deal of exhortation to its own men in order to call forth the skill and zeal of the fighters, and also hearing many orders shouted out to them from the men on shore.

The enemy, on the other hand, tried to hit the approaching ships with dense showers of stones and arrows, and to cast iron grapnels upon their assailants. And in case they could reach them they got the better of it, but if they missed, their own boats would be pierced and would sink, or else in their endeavour to avoid this calamity they would waste time and lay themselves more open to attack by other ships; for two or three ships would fall at one time upon the same ship, some doing all the damage they could while the others took the brunt of the injuries.

On the one side the pilots and the rowers endured the most hardship and fatigue, and on the other side the marines; and the one side resembled cavalry, now making a charge and now retreating, since it was in their power to attack and back off at will, and the others were like heavy-armed troops guarding against the approach of foes and trying their best to hold them. Consequently each gained advantages over the other; the one party would run in upon the lines of oars projecting from the ships and shatter the blades, and the other party, fighting from the higher level, would sink them with stones and engines.

On the other hand, there were also disadvantages on each side: the one party could do no damage to the enemy when it approached, and the other party, if in any case it failed to sink a vessel which it rammed, was hemmed in no longer fought an equal contest. The battle was indecisive for a long time and neither antagonist could get the upper hand anywhere, but the end came in the following way.

Cleopatra, riding at anchor behind the combatants, could not endure the long and anxious waiting until a decision could be reached, 2. And thus, when they straightway raised their sails and sped out to sea, since a favouring wind had by chance arisen, Antony thought they were fleeing, not at the bidding of Cleopatra, but through fear because they felt themselves vanquished, and so he followed them.

When this took place the rest of the soldiers became both discouraged and confused, and wishing to make their own escape also in some way or another, they proceeded, some to raise their sails and others to throw the towers and the furnishings into the sea, in order to lighten the vessels and make good their escape. While they were occupied in this way their adversaries fell upon them; they had not pursued the fugitives, because they themselves were without sails and were prepared only for a naval battle, and there were many to fight against each ship, both from afar and alongside.

Therefore on both sides alike the conflict took on the greatest variety and was waged with the utmost bitterness. Thus the one party strove to scale the boats as they would the dry land or a fortress, and eagerly brought to bear all the implements that have to do with such an operation, and the others tried to repel them, devising every means that is commonly used in such a case.

As the fight continued equal, Caesar, at a loss what he should do, sent for fire from the camp. Previously he had wished to avoid using it, in order to gain possession of the money; but now that he saw it was impossible for him to win in any other way, he had recourse to this, as the only thing that would assist him.

And now another kind of battle was entered upon. The assailants would approach their victims from many directions at once, shoot blazing missiles at them, hurl with their hands torches fastened to javelins and with the aid of engines would throw from a distance pots full of charcoal and pitch. The defenders tried to ward these missiles off one by one, and when some of them got past them and caught the timbers and at once started a great fire, as must be the case in a ship, they used first the drinking water which they carried on board and extinguished some of the conflagrations, and when that was gone they dipped up the sea-water.

And if they used great quantities of it at once, they would somehow stop the fire by main force; but they were unable to do this everywhere, for the buckets they had were not numerous nor large size, and in their confusion they brought them up half full, so that, far from helping the situation at all, they only increased the flames, since salt water poured on a fire in small quantities makes it burn vigorously. So when they found themselves getting the worst of it in this respect also, they heaped on the blaze their thick mantles and the corpses, and for a time these checked the fire and it seemed to abate; but later, especially when the wind raged furiously, the flames flared up more than ever, fed by this very fuel.

So long as only a part of the ship was on fire, men would stand by that part and leap into it, hewing away or scattering the timbers; and these detached timbers were hurled by some into the sea and by others against their opponents, in the hope that they, too, might possibly be injured by these missiles. Others would go to the still sound portion of their ship and now more than ever would make use of their grappling-irons and their long spears with the purpose of binding some hostile ship to theirs and crossing over to it, if possible, or, if not, of setting it on fire likewise.

But when none of the enemy came near enough, since they were guarding against this very thing, and when the fire spread to the encircling walls and descended into the hold, the most terrible of fates came upon them. Some, and particularly the sailors, perished by the smoke before the flame so much as approached them, while others were roasted in the midst of it as though in ovens. Others were consumed in their armour when it became heated. There were still others, who, before they should suffer such a death, or when they were half-burned, threw off their armour and were wounded by the shots which came from a distance, or again leaped into the sea and were drowned, or were struck by their opponents and sank, or were mangled by sea-monsters.

Those alone found a death that was tolerable, considering the sufferings which prevailed, who were killed by their fellows in return for the same service, or else killed themselves, before any such fate could befall them; for they not only had no tortures to endure, but when dead had the burning ships for their funeral pyres.

Consequently many of these men also fell victims to the flames and to their own rapacity. These royal ports sheltered the Ptolemies' fleets of warships consisting of several hundred galleys, some of which were extraordinarily large. The complex consists of three ports, probably built between and BC during the Hellenistic period, more than years before the arrival of Julius Caesar in 48 BC They are thus much older than most harbours that have been studied so far, such as Caesarea Maritima Israel.

Unfortunately, there are no extant documents from the period concerning the design of these ports, and we are now forced to make assumptions on the basis of present knowledge and on the principal ancient text concerning maritime structures, by the Roman author Vitruvius. A port is not built simply anywhere. It forms an interface between land and sea and its location depends on traffic in these two areas and on certain natural conditions.

The layout of a port depends on navigation conditions winds and waves and on the types of ship that use it merchant ships, galleys. The size of the ships defines the acceptable wave-induced disturbance and the possible need to build a breakwater providing protection against storms.

The number of ships using the port defines the length of quays and the area of the basins required. The ships' draught defines the depth at the quayside and thus the height and structure of the quay. Locally available materials wood, stone and mortar and construction methods define the specific structures for a region and historical period.

He had to build a causeway linking the island to the mainland and call on the help of Tyre's rivals to succeed in his enterprise. The similarity between the island of Tyre and the island of Pharos is striking, especially when one adds that Alexander built a causeway between the island and the mainland at both sites, and that they both have a double harbour. The idea of building a double harbour is motivated by the fact that there are two main wind and offshore wave directions.

In this case, which is quite frequent, it is useful to be able to move ships from one harbour to the other in order to obtain the best protection against wave disturbance in all circumstances. Nevertheless, it should be noted that the western part of Alexandria Bay must have begun to silt up progressively after the construction of the Heptastadium, eventually resulting in the curved shoreline that exists today in this part of the bay.

These waves are less frequent than those from the W-N sector but are nevertheless very problematic in winter. Moreover, this site has a distinct tendency to silt up owing to its proximity to one of the main mouths of the Nile near Rosetta. Sediment carried down by the Nile is transported along the coast by waves from the N-E sector. But what were these harbours actually used for?

Alexander was definitely not a sailor. He symbolically burnt his boats on disembarking in Asia after crossing the Hellespont with triremes. He needed the assistance of triremes from Sidon and Cyprus to conquer Tyre, and after founding Alexandria on 20 January BC and remaining in Egypt for only a few months, he subsequently devoted his attention only to mainland countries. He therefore did not choose this site as a base for his fleet of warships, though his successors in particular Ptolemy II Philadelphus based their fleets there.

He must nevertheless have learnt the lesson from his master Aristotle, who 11 years earlier had advised him to create an access to the sea so as to be "easily supported on two fronts at once, from the land and from the sea" in the event of an enemy offensive, and also to "import products that are not found in your lands, and export your own surplus produce" [2], p 9 and The city is indeed located on a strip of land between the sea and lake Mariotis the present lake Maryut , on which a river port was built.

Three centuries later, at the time Strabo visited Alexandria around 25 BC , the pirates had disappeared due to the efforts of Pompey's fleets a few decades earlier and trade was booming thanks to the peaceful conditions created by the Romans. Alexandria had almost a million inhabitants of various origins [1] p It exported wheat to Rome and papyrus throughout the Mediterranean. It imported wood from Lebanon, wine, oil etc.

Alexandria had thus proved to be in a strategic position from the commercial point of view, as a land-sea interface. This latter sector has had a considerable importance for the development of the port, as it is the reason for the double harbour arrangement, as pointed out above. The first logical reaction would be to locate the port against the Heptastadium, in the shelter of Pharos Island, at the place where today's fishermen shelter their boats from prevailing winds from the W-N sector.

Yet this argument does not appear to have carried weight as the three ports discovered to date are located at the opposite end, below Cape Lochias modern Cape Silsileh , where the royal palace used to be, perhaps because they are located behind reefs that are as many traps for sailors who do not know them precisely. This eastern part of Alexandria Bay is relatively more exposed to offshore NW waves and this meant that it was necessary to build a protective breakwater "Diabathra" to supplement the natural protection offered by the reefs that emerged above sea level at the time.

If it is assumed that the construction of the harbour began only during the reign of Ptolemy I Soter at the earliest he acceded to the throne in BC then almost 25 years had elapsed since the construction of the Heptastadium. This is quite long enough to reveal siltation against the Heptastadium and incite the planners to locate the ports elsewhere.

Layout of Magnus Portus in the Bay of Alexandria Access to the ports could therefore only be achieved by skirting the reefs by the west and south. In terms of the types of ship using the port, even though a few large commercial ships have been identified, the fleets of warships are better known. At the time the Romans and Carthaginians were battling with triremes and quinqueremes in the western Mediterranean as at the battle of the Aegates in BC , the Macedonians and Alexandrians were building giant galleys, the likes of which would never be seen again.

In particular, it should be noted that these huge ships appeared at the time Ptolemy I was ascending the throne. They seem to have existed for several centuries, as Antony aligned a number of them opposite the Romans at the battle of Actium 31 BC. This number is of the same order of magnitude as others found at other periods. Pompey's fleet in his war against the pirates in 67 and 66 BC consisted of quinqueremes and 30 triremes [4] p 82 and Antony's fleet at the battle of Actium consisted of to ships the largest being a "10 ".

It is also known that at other periods the Alexandrian fleet was smaller: the fleet burnt by Caesar at the battle of Alexandria in 48 BC consisted of 50 quinqueremes and triremes, 22 other ships and 38 ships hauled up on land in the arsenals [1] p As an exercise in defining the overall layout of the harbour, we attempted to find space in the discovered ports for all the ships of Ptolemy II's fleet.

The first port could comfortably accommodate the 10 large ships mentioned above. The 80 medium ships and 25 small ones could be aligned side by side, stern to quay, in the second port. The remaining small ships could be sheltered in the third port, which has quay space for up to quinqueremes. It should also be noted that the beach in the bay, which was the site for the shipyards [1] p Over a distance of m, it would be possible to accommodate about quinqueremes under construction with a distance of 5 m between them, which appears to be a minimum for proper working conditions.

This number corresponds to the fleet that Pompey had built for his war against the pirates [4] p As regards commercial ships, the " amphorae" and "10 amphorae" must have represented a cargo of the order of t. An average ship of t, i. These would sail during the fine season from May to September [3] p However, it is likely that these ships called at the port of Eunostos rather than at the Magnus Portus. It is clear that Magnus Portus was among the largest ports of the time.

The third port is the largest and uses the island of Antirhodos as a natural protection against wave disturbance. The island was entirely developed as the site for a royal palace and quays consisting of large blocks of concrete cast in situ.

The remains of wooden structures have been used for carbon 14 dating and reveal the existence of an archaic structure in the form of a double row of piles. One of the ironies of civilisation is that the ancient warship ports are quite similar to modern marinas in terms of the dimensions and the size of the ships using them modern luxury yachts range in length from 15 to 70 m and more.

The largest ships the "40"s of Ptolemy IV Philopator, or the Isis must nevertheless have had a draught of up to 4 m. The two principal types of harbour structure found in Alexandria are protective breakwaters and quays. The breakwaters could be rubble mound or vertical-faced structures built of blocks. There is no point in dwelling on this question for Alexandria; the offshore breakwaters have not yet been explored, since they are probably located below the modern ones.

The inner breakwaters protecting each of the three ports consist of a sloping mound on the seaward side and in most cases a quay made of mortar blocks on the leeward side. The early Alexandrians did not have the advantage of pozzolana when they first built Magnus Portus, but the large mortar block discovered in the third port at Alexandria typically m wide, m long and m high contains pozzolana and must therefore be of the Roman period1.

The block consists of alternating layers of mortar and flat pieces of limestone measuring about 0. The existence of planks of pine wood cm thick under the block indicates that it was cast in a watertight floating caisson. This is also confirmed by the existence of vertical and inclined beams held in the mortar, giving the caisson its rigidity during the floating and sinking stages.

The double row of elm piles discovered at the eastern end of the island of Antirhodos [16] is older than the large blocks mentioned above around BC. Moreover, it disappears under more recent fill material and large blocks. The presence of mortar at the lower end of the piles indicates that these rows must have been built in the dry, i. The following hypothesis could be put forward, whereby this double row of piles could be the remains of an ancient wooden quay.

The northern row consists of simple piles spaced 0. These could have supported wooden planks and have been set in water about a metre deep. The northern row is 1. In conclusion, it is hoped that these investigations will be just the first in a long series, which will give us further information on ancient port engineering techniques.

It is to be hoped that this part of Alexandria Bay will soon be declared off limits for construction or, even better, transformed into an underwater museum. The last column gives the annual average. These figures explain why sailing from Rome to Alexandria was much easier than the reverse. The voyage took between 1 and 2 weeks in the first direction and at least double in the opposite direction.

Ships made an average of 2 voyages per year during the fine season from May to September in order to avoid storms [3] p and The fifth column gives the percentage of calms and other sectors that cannot reach Alexandria.

The first line shows calms. The second line shows waves below 1 m and the third line those above 1 m crest-trough height. It should be pointed out that mean sea levels have changed over the last years. Without entering into expert discussions on this subject, it may be estimated that the sea level rise during the period has been about 0.

It may be added that the present rate of rise is much greater as it has reached about 18 cm during the past century [19] and it is currently estimated that it will be between 50 and cm in the 21st c. Oscillations in mean sea level nevertheless seem to have occurred over the past two millennia. It is also very difficult to distinguish eustatic movements those connected with the sea from tectonic movements connected with the land. The example of Crete is a good illustration.

Over the past years the sea level has dropped by 4 to 8 m with respect to the land at the western end of the island, whereas at the eastern end it has risen by 1 to 4 m during the same period [20], p It is currently admitted that the sea level at Alexandria has risen by 0. This sand consists of ancient deposits carried down by the Nile. For the past few decades the beaches at Alexandria have been suffering from widespread erosion and protective measures have been taken involving beach nourishment or rockfill structures with varying degrees of success.

This erosion is due mainly to beach sand being carried offshore during storms. In addition to the offshore transit of sand, there is significant longshore drift to both the east and west. It is clear that if an obstacle were to be built perpendicular to the coast, sand would be deposited on either side. This is what must have happened after the construction of the Heptastadium, where at least some of this longshore drift must have been trapped each year.

Ancient ships 3. Ancient ports 7. Ancient structures 9. According to Jondet and Belova, the main north breakwater, with a total length of more than m consisted of two submerged mounds on a water depth down to 10 m below present sea level, with 40 to 60 m in-between. The crest is at 1 to 1. The total width of the main north breakwater is therefore 60 to 80 m.

Many of the blocks have a ca. The area between both rubble mounds was filled with rubble which was found in some places, but in other places, it was washed away over time. Jondet estimates the total harbour area to around 60 ha. The main entrance was around m wide and 8 m deep on the south side of the Pharos island. It was sheltered by two short breakwaters called here SW and SE breakwaters. Immediately east of the entrance was an island with what Jondet supposed to be the building of the port authority, with an adjacent small basin protected by two small breakwaters.

The main deep-water basin was located west of the entrance and over m long. More basins were located east of the entrance but most were shallow ca 1 m and bordered with beaches and very small port structures. This basin was around 60 x m with its own separate entrance towards north. However, a second line of submerged reefs ca. Jondet paid particular attention to the Abou Bakar reef now called el-Aramil on the west side and to the east reef, considering that the structures found there were part of a heavy defence system of the port.

However, Belova did not find firm evidence. Jondet also mentioned that access from the south was through todays Dikheila area after passing between the reefs in that area. Dating: Textual evidence. BC , possibly due to sudden tectonic activity. However, Homer may have been talking about an archaic port long before his time and even before the Trojan war now dated around BC. Gaston Jondet tried to date the port but he had no archaeological clues to do so.

This theory would be valid also for Merneptah BC battle and Rameses III BC battle but it is somewhat surprising that none of these kings mentions this port and that all battles have been fought inside the Nile delta and not in open sea. It may be mentioned that the Amarna Letters around BC do not mention this port although many other places on the Levantine coast are.

However, this is of little help because the port may have been built later, or earlier and already disappeared. Raymond Weill suggested that the port was built by Minoan foreigners whose settlement would have been accepted by the pharaoh sometime between and BC.

But this theory now seems somewhat unlikely if we consider the remains of the 85 Minoan ports identified so far, which are all quite modest, except Phalasarna, perhaps. He also points at the Phoenician Tyrians who lived in very similar conditions and were great builders in the same period. This theory makes more sense. Archaeological evidence: none published so far?

Geochemical evidence. Lead pollution is strongly correlated with human activity as it was used for pipes carrying drinking water and for many other things. According to Homer 8th c. BC the port was located on an island and this is confirmed by modern geo-archaeological investigations that show that a tombolo developed during the 3rd and 2nd millennia BC between the island and the continent Goiran et al. This was due to wave action from NW inducing a littoral drift sand transport from west to east.

This sand deposited in the lee of the island where wave action was limited. Hence, the insular character of Pharos island gradually diminished and a ford was probably available for crossing from the mainland to the island in the 2nd millennium BC. These investigations show that this area was inhabited very early, and this is no wonder for such a nice shelter for shipping, but it would be difficult to believe this very large port of Pharos being built before BC.

And what happened in 21st century?! A large land reclamation project was carried out between and , covering the whole ancient port area … Fig. I would not feel entitled to write anything on this port, were it not that Jean-Pierre Misson showed me some under water pictures made in the sixties and in that are not yet published elsewhere.

He did me great honour to accept publication on this web site. I therefore rely heavily on quotations from several authors. BC, and later during the epoch of trireme warfare. No other complete harbour of this date. A complete range of different structures and ancient technological functions, some still unexplained. Hardly any excavation in the underwater city, so a great deal still to be learned.

It is in a broad open bay, delimited to the east by Cape Naustathmos Ras el-Hilal 20 km away, and to the west by Phycus [near] Ras Aamer. The natural harbour must have been in use since the foundation of Cyrene in BC as a Greek colony from Thera. The cities of Cyrenaica became independent in 97 BC, after the kingdom passed to Rome. It received the name Apollonia. Apollonia was an excellent naval base in a very strategic position in Cyrenaica, and Roman fleets were maintained there. The city was renamed Sozousa, when it became the capital of Upper Libya, a province created by Diocletian.

The western harbour, that was an inner harbour communicating with the eastern one via a channel, probably originally had an entrance on its north. The channel connecting the two basins was later walled and protected on each side by two fortification towers that were part of the city fortification system.

The western harbour, which was partly included in the city walls, contained the main complex of slipways. In general, the harbour underwent several reconstructions from the Classical period onwards. The channel between the harbours was deliberately filled in late antiquity so that the eastern harbour became the only harbour.

The western harbour had at least five rock-cut complexes on its perimeter. However, only one group is now identified with certainty as slipways. The other harbour remains and rock-cut structures on the west and south edges of the western harbour and now submerged could have been ship-building areas, quays or warehouses.

However, the relative SLR was much different in many places as it includes tectonic movements: in Apollonia, mainly subsidence. The French team that carried out supplementary investigations at the entrance towers to the western harbour estimated a difference in sea level of 3.

This evidence was based on indications of lithophaga on the sides of the fortification towers facing the channel. This level was tested on all features submerged in the harbour and gave satisfactory results for 90 per cent of them. In addition, in the channel the surfaces of the walls below the ashlar superstructure are rock-cut, suggesting that they were once above sea level.

The artificial blocking of the channel, which terminates at the same level as the lithophaga lines, offers additional support for the suggestion of a difference of 3. Thus early observations in the field are generally correct, but the explanations in published articles are limited by the contemporary knowledge.

The most accurate estimations of this cause of relative sea level change on the Tunisian-Libyan coast are by Anzidei et al. The floor of the slipway on thick deposits of rubble is at The fish tank is cut into solid rock, as were many piscine all over the Roman world, so they had no problem in cutting rock below the sea level. They would be useless. Since there are small walls built on top of the slipways, and other walls built on the sea floor in the harbour basin below the foot of the slipways, this is consistent with a change of level between BC and the time of the Roman Empire.

A sea level of So, maybe the uplift continued into the Christian era. This must have been due to earthquake activity tectonic since there is no evidence at other archaeological sites for a GIA drop of sea level during this period. The diameter of the inner harbour contracted, and a secondary group of structures was built on a smaller diameter, varying from m in from the earlier circumference or water-front.

After the uplift phase, the inner harbour basin contracted in radius by about m, and some of the earlier waterfront structures became unusable. The outer harbour would then have been much more important. Wood , first published in The first map was drawn by Nic Flemming on the basis of original drawings by the architect Nick Wood, a member of the diving team led by Nic Flemming, back in the late fifties. It can be found in the Geographical Magazine for and It is still considered as an accurate reference.

It would have been impracticable to handle large cargoes in such a small area, and in any case, the heavy cargo ships of the second century BC and later had a beam of 10 m, though they were usually only 30 m long. Possibly both suggestions are partly correct, and as time went by, the docks which had once been suitable for the mightiest ships afloat were relegated to the status of a fish market much as the Vieux Port of Marseille is now restricted to fisherman and pleasure boats, while ocean-going cargo ships dock in the modern harbour outside.

If the identification is correct, they are too narrow to accommodate big commercial ships of any period. These installations were surveyed recently by the French mission, which concluded that they are warehouses, and excluded the possibility that they could be used as docks. But if warehouses existed at this place, where are the remains of their roofs tiles and of their side walls? A long rectangular structure with nothing but headers in the foundation courses would seem to indicate you had a quay instead of a warehouse.

Hence, 'quays' 2 to 9 are free standing, while 'quay' 1 and 'quay' 10 are leaning against land. It is noteworthy that no back wall was found, i. Scale stick with 20 cm sections. The Libyan coast is rather unprotected: practically no island where to shelter and several stretches of rocky shore where the beaching of a fragile galley is impossible. The oared vessels that were used for the task had to be slim and light to be fast.

This was the only way to cover the non-beachable stretches of coast on a day's duration. It was extremely rare for galleys to navigate after sunset. The galleys were undecked and had a very small draught when empty of their crew. This is what allowed their crews to beach them when needed and where possible.

In the Inner Harbour of Apollonia, the simultaneous beaching or launching of several galleys especially in windy conditions would not have been easy. In any case prior to the subsidence the inner harbour must have been a calm water area, much better protected from the open sea than today. Executing the launching or beaching operations with people breast-deep in the water would have required a lot more people if not been altogether impossible when several crafts had to be handled simultaneously.

This was the practice in those times for the small and light galleys. Galleys of this size m could be beached by their only crew, during a voyage where beach slope made it possible to rest and resupply. Assuming that there were many more galleys on the beach behind the docks, the simultaneous launching or beaching of 9 galleys at a time must have been possible at Apollonia.

Galleys m in length would surely have been easily floated and handled in these docks as their draught was very limited, surely much less than one meter. With a depth of as little as 50 cm at shore end, the docks would have been useable. The space between the additional layer of blocks might have been simply backfilled on top of the initial slabs, and this backfill vanished with later wave action. It could thus fit the 3. It could be unloaded quickly and then be hauled on the beach further south where room was available for many ships.

This interpretation by Jean-Pierre Misson makes good sense from a pragmatic point of view, but it is hypothetical and would obviously need to be confirmed by more field investigations, as … Such an arrangement is unheard of in any other ancient port. Of these, over one hundred are decorated with reliefs.

The majority of these decorations comprise symbols relating to Aphrodite Venus Euploia. The presence of these symbols demonstrates a close connection with the sea-going manifestation of the goddess whom ancient mariners venerated as a protectress of navigation. An anchor stock recently discovered off western Sicily displays the epithet, Eiinkotu.

Through an analysis of the inscription, the attributes, and the astralogoi, this paper illustrates that, in addition to her general association with ships and ports, mariners specifically relied upon Aphrodite Euploia while anchoring. Furthermore, that Greek and Roman ships carried on board as many as eleven anchors is a testament to how ancient mariners attempted to beat the odds while anchoring.

Astralogoi on the Apollonia anchor stock. Blackman and B. Rankov, p Marine Archaeology. Hutchinsons, London, p See also his film on the expedition to Apollonia. The Bosphorus with 67 ancient ports. The Bosphorus is the northern part of the connection between the Mediterranean Sea and the Black Sea.

It consists of a canyon 31 km long and around m wide at both entrances, but its narrowest section is only m wide. The water depth varies between 13 and m. As a matter of fact, the whole stream behaves much like a river with several curves and lateral deep and shallow areas.

The bottom consists of alluvial sediment over a thickness ranging from 10 to m on top of a bedrock basement3. Considerable volumes of water are exchanged through the Bosphorus between both adjacent seas. Inflow of salty water from the Mediterranean Sea into Black Sea ca. The figures given above are obviously averaged4. The somewhat controversial questions are: how deep was the lake water level at that time, and how fast did the water level rise? Even if the lake water level was much deeper than the Bosphorus sill, e.

In any case, scholars agree on the fact that after reconnection with the Mediterranean Sea, the Black Sea water level more or less followed the global eustatic SLR. This means that some mixing between fresh surface waters and deeper waters occurs, yielding a stable 22 psu deep salinity and 17 psu surface salinity. Caricaturing, it is not 0 psu at the surface and 34 psu at the bottom, but resp.

Benjamin, et al. We have a formula for the water discharge over a sill as a function of the upstream water level WL. With this, we can compute the flow velocity inside the schematised Bosphorus. With this velocity, we can compute the volume of sediment transported by the flow as a function of the sediment grain- size. This leads to a rate of erosion of the bottom of the Bosphorus. This in turn gives a new bottom position for the computations to be done for the next year, and so on, until the water level in the Black Sea reaches the Global WL.

Obviously, this is a simple approach with rough schematisations and several assumptions for which we will have to perform a sensitivity analysis. However, this approach will show the hydrodynamics and may give an order of magnitude of the water level rising speed in the Black Sea. Computation details: Computations were performed on a simple Excel spreadsheet, with one year per line.

The upstream water level at the sill is the Global WL which starts to overflow the sill in year 1. The initial discharge is obviously very small as the water sheet on top of the sill is only 14 mm. Therefore, the flow velocity inside the Bosphorus is too small to induce any erosion. But after a number of years, erosion starts, and processes accelerate drastically, e. After some more years, the water level in the Black Sea reaches the Global WL and the infilling process terminates.

After some time around one century , erosion of the crest of the sill and of the bottom of the Bosphorus starts. This accelerates the processes and after some more time another century , the Black Sea water level reaches the Global WL. Black Sea water level during infill process. Hence, no catastrophic deluge. These results are valid for the above-mentioned parameter settings only.

Some of the parameter values are rather uncertain and it is therefore required to check the sensitivity to parameter variations. This is fast, but it is not a catastrophic flood. The « deluge hypothesis » could therefore only be explained by a sudden collapse of a part of the Bosphorus sill, perhaps during an earthquake, but there is no archaeological evidence yet for this.

It features the most advanced Roman building techniques ever found by archaeology for coastal structures. Excavations have been conducted on land and under water for several decades at the end of the 20th c. We shall not go into a detailed description of the harbours here, as this can be found in the references mentioned above. We would like to select a few aspects that need further explanation and present a few sketches of the breakwater structure. This cross-section is therefore a hypothetical reconstruction of the whole western and southern breakwater structure.

Cross-section of the main breakwater adapted from Raban, It is usually said that subsidence of the whole outer harbour amounts to m since Roman times. The ancient sea bed was found in several places in the outer harbour at ca. Oleson measured them to be 4. These blocks were placed one to several meters from each other, with rubble placed in-between them and as shoulders on both sides of them. The area between the spinal line and the quay wall was filled with sand and covered by large ashlar slabs 1.

The excavators found its crest at around -5 m below present MSL and its total height was estimated to m, which leads to its base being located around the same It may be said first that the concept of a double-line breakwater is used quite seldomly today because of its cost. It may be justified in cases where a low crested structure providing an open view to the sea is required in an area with a severe wave climate.

Modern engineers use the concept of design wave to design breakwaters and other maritime structures. These large storms come from the west and NW. Fortunately, when travelling from offshore to the coast, such large waves break when reaching shallow waters and it may be accepted that no wave larger than ca. Depending on the stone size, breakwater failure would occur during these repeated storms and the rubble mound breakwater would flatten out on the sea bed, but the concrete blocks would resist, except for scouring and undermining.

Similarly, in the middle harbour, a quay wall is now at - 0. These observations led many scholars to assume tectonic movement in addition to limited eustatic sea level rise that would rely upon a north-south fault that would be located on the limit between the middle harbour and the outer harbour Raban, , p This is challenged by Galili who provides several other possible explanations for such a subsidence and argues against any tectonic movement of the Caesarea coast.

This foundation layer is supposed to avoid piping and undermining, but it does not respect modern requirements for granular filters and would allow a strong flow within the layer. However, in this specific case of Caesarea, this flow is considerably reduced by the presence of the ca.

Hence, undermining of the whole structure is not possible in this case. Repeated storms have been put forward as a possible explanation for the breakwater subsidence due to wave-induced liquefaction. Many earthquakes were felt in Antioch, Cyprus, Egypt and other places in the Levant around 25 are known in the first years AD and may have affected Caesarea Goodman-Tchernov, It is acknowledged that not every tsunami is a devastating monster with a massive hydraulic power of destruction like the ones we have witnessed around the world in the 21st century, but the AD tsunami might be one of them.

It is also acknowledged that not every earthquake will induce a tsunami, but it might be accepted that out of the 25 earthquakes mentioned above, several ? However, smaller tsunamis may have occurred without leaving any trace in ancient literature, but adding to the gradual breakwater destruction. Tsunamis would possibly push large blocks of Roman concrete placed on top of the breakwater into the port, rather than generating a uniform vertical subsidence.

Another possible explanation for subsidence of the western and southern breakwaters might be found in compaction of the sub-soil underneath these structures, because the initial sea bed consisted of loosely packed sand provided by longshore transport of Nilotic sediment Zviely, However, it is hard to think of m, as a 1 or 2 m compaction would probably be a more realistic maximum.

Longshore transport of Nilotic sediment provides this kind of liquefiable sand in the nearshore area down to a water depth of ca. At the end of this overview, it can be seen that local phenomena local scour, piping and undermining, local liquefaction, and even tsunamis may have initiated limited destruction of port structures, but do not suffice to explain the observed overall subsidence of the breakwaters in the outer harbour.

With an assumed tectonic subsidence of 6 m, the outer harbour structures would have been built on a 2. The remains of this are still visible under water today. With a subsidence due to liquefaction and without any tectonic subsidence, the outer harbour structures would have been built on an 8. The remains of only the top of this structure would be still visible under water today, and a further 6 m of the structure would be buried in the sub-soil underneath.

According to geologists and to Galili , the tectonic subsidence option is out of the question in this area. Hence, the earthquake-generated liquefaction option, possibly combined with long-term consolidation, is the only option remaining at this stage. Further geotechnical study by means of corings might yield some new insights. Brill, Leiden, p AD , Acts, But the king, by the expenses he was at, and the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature, and built a haven larger than was the Piraeus [at Athens]; and in the inner retirements of the water, he built other deep stations [for the ships also].

Now although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that the firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had any difficulty in the operation: for when he had measured out as large a space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twenty fathom water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger.

But when the haven was filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred, of which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves, whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which was called Drusium from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar.

There were also a great number of arches where the mariners dwelt; and all the places before them round about was a large valley, or walk, for a quay [or landing place] to those that came on shore; but the entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the gentlest of all the winds. At the mouth of the haven were on each side three great Colossi, supported by pillars, where those Colossi that are on your left hand, as you sail into the port, are supported by a solid tower, but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones joined together, which stones were larger than that tower which was on the other side of the entrance.

Jewish Antiquities, 15, 9 or , dated around AD transl. Whiston, , London […] and what was the greatest and most laborious work of all, he adorned it with a haven, that was always free from the waves of the sea. Its largeness was not less than the Piraeus [at Athens:] and had towards the city a double station for the ships. It was of excellent workmanship; and this was the more remarkable for its being built in a place that of itself was not suitable to such noble structures, but was to be brought to perfection by materials from other places, and at very great expenses.

This city is situated in Phenicia; in the passage by sea to Egypt; between Joppa and Dora: which are lesser maritime cities, and not fit for havens; on account of the impetuous south winds that beat upon them: which rolling the sands that come from the sea against the shores, do not admit of ships lying in their station: but the merchants are generally there forced to ride at their anchors in the sea itself. So, Herod endeavoured to rectify this inconvenience: and laid out such a compass toward the land, as might be sufficient for a haven, wherein the great ships might lie in safety.

And this he effected by letting down vast stones of above fifty foot in length; not less than eighteen in breadth, and nine in depth, into twenty fathoms deep: and as some were lesser, so were others bigger than those dimensions. This mole which he built by the sea side was two hundred foot wide: the half of which was opposed to the current of the waves, so as to keep off those waves which were to break upon them: and so was called Procymatia, or the first breaker of the waves: but the other half had upon it a wall, with several towers: the largest of which was named Drusus: and was a work of very great excellence, and had its name from Drusus, the son-in-law of Cesar, who died young.

There was also before them a quay, [or landing place,] which ran round the entire haven, and was a most agreeable walk to such as had a mind to that exercise. But the entrance or mouth of the port was made on the north quarter: on which side was the stillest of the winds of all in this place: And the basis of the whole circuit on the left hand, as you enter the port, supported a round turret; which was made very strong, in order to resist the greatest waves, while on the right hand, as you enter, stood two vast stones, and those each of them larger than the turret, which were over-against them.

These stood upright, and were joined together. Moreover, we are dealing with years of evolution from ca. Note that sand is provided to the isthmus by R Medjerda to the north and R Miliane to the south.

Most of what we know today on the Roman ports of Carthage was summarised by Henry Hurst Both first mentioned ports were located inside the city walls and closed by a chain limen kleistos , and the third was located on the water edge outside the city-walls. Hurst, This landing place was outside the city walls, possibly sheltered by a sand spit growing from north to south as suggested by Ennabli , p 11, and probably soon got some timber landing stages.

Some archaeological evidence was found by Hurst and Stager Archaic canal and sea walls according to Lancel It is however still unclear where the beginning and ending of this canal was located and what may have been its use. According to Hurst , the Lake of Tunis never had an important function as a port, and this canal was thus not used for navigation between the Lake and the Byrsa hill.

Anyway, as this canal was silted-up and abandoned during the 4th c. BC Hurst and Stager, , it might be envisaged that a new harbour basin was dug somewhat further east in the 3rd c. BC, including the Punic quay that was traced for 50 m by Stager. This would later become the so-called 'rectangular port', with the very same quay still in use in Byzantine times. Both the rectangular commercial port and the circular military port the Cothon were built inside the city walls and closed by heavy chains Appian, Libyca, The north mole of the Falbe Quadrilateral, located near the southern end of the rectangular port was also built in Punic times and possibly used as a breakwater protecting the entrance of the ports Hurst, After the Roman conquest BC , the city was first destroyed, and after one century, Caesar ordered its reconstruction 44 BC.

Both the rectangular and the circular ports were soon refurbished as commercial ports in order to provide Rome with olive oil and grain during the first centuries AD. We might conjecture that the Roman cellular structures located east of the Byrsa hill were built on top of or behind the ancient Punic city wall.

However, this wall may have been undermined by wave action and the area was finally abandoned for shipping. A two-line coastal protection would then have been built in the 5th or 6th c. AD to protect the city from erosion due to wave action. Eastern shore area. This sand is most probably provided by R Medjerda to the north and R Miliane to the south further sedimentological analysis might prove this and quantities may fluctuate with the river discharges of sediment. Paskoff et al. This would open the door to coastal erosion and the initial sand spit mentioned above might have disappeared.

In order to understand erosion by wave action on the eastern shore, we must have a closer look at the wind and wave conditions. The wind climate which was studied for the port of Thapsus. East and NE winds prevail only south of Nabeul and all the way down to Djerba. This means that in ancient times, the eastern shore area was on open sea but that it was fairly protected from prevailing NW storms and could be used for beaching ships.

It would later have been used perhaps for short stops of ships in conjunction with the inner port after the latter was built. As this shore could be attacked by NE waves, we might conjecture that it has been eroded, so that it finally had to be protected by rubble. The second line of rubble defence was possibly added somewhat later. The result was that no ship could reach the eastern shore anymore and that the inner ports must have taken over all traffic. Inner ports area. Both the rectangular and the circular ports obviously survived better than the eastern shoreline as they were protected from the sea.

The circular port was studied by many archaeologists. Harbour entrance. It reaches ca. Such a short breakwater provides limited shelter against north and NW waves for a small number of ships say five , and no shelter for other wave directions.

It might be conjectured that this breakwater was built in Punic times to provide a sheltered access to the inner rectangular port. The Roman entrance to the rectangular port was thus relocated southwards where large blocks of Roman marine concrete opus caementicium were found by Hurst , fig. Delos was a famous island because of its central position in the southern Aegean Sea, halfway between Athens and Asia Minor.

As the birthplace of Apollo and Artemis , it was a holy place. It became the headquarters of the 5th c. BC Delian League and it also became a large emporium Cartography by MapArt. Peter Heiler Ltd. Google Maps. Retrieved July 19, Eye Weekly. Archived from the original on August 9, Retrieved January 31, Archived from the original on August 8, Business Review Canada.

White Digital Media Group. Transportation Association of Canada. February 5, Retrieved April 26, MMM Group. Archived from the original PDF on August 8, February 26, Archived from the original on August 26, Highway East. Retrieved July 16, December 31, Retrieved March 15, February 1, Retrieved February 6, Office of the Premier. Retrieved February 18, July 7, The Financial Post.

Retrieved April 9, The Hamilton Spectator. Retrieved August 12, Financial Post. Guelph Mercury. July 12, Consolidated Financial Statements Dec 31, and ". Retrieved April 13, February 19, Retrieved June 14, February 7, Retrieved September 7, Consolidated Financial Statements Dec 31, ". CBC News. April 14, Hansard Issue L Report. Legislative Assembly of Ontario.

October 21, D, Salman. Archived from the original on February 2, Rae also announced yesterday that the province will ask for private-sector proposals to design and construct the Burlington—Oakville link of Highway as part of Highway Highway 's 13 kilometre western extension opens today from Highway in Brampton to Highway in Mississauga. Cartography by Cartography Section. Ministry of Transportation of Ontario. Retrieved November 20, — via Archives of Ontario. The Oshawa Express.

Dowellman Publishing Corp. Greater Toronto. B1, B3. Highway grows again today with the opening of a controversial seven-kilometre stretch from Highway to McCowan Road. As of p. The eastern section of Highway , running from McCowan Rd.

Archived from the original on July 30, Retrieved June 27, June 20, Archived from the original PDF on May 9, Retrieved December 10, Prime Minister of Canada. March 6, Archived from the original on February 27, CNW Group. Retrieved August 27, Oshawa This Week. Metroland Media. March 10, Hamilton Spectator. Archived from the original on August 14, Retrieved December 17, Global News.

Retrieved January 21, Archived from the original on January 29, Retrieved February 2, Rock to Road. Annex Business Media. Retrieved January 14, Toronto: Dundurn Press. Retrieved October 3, March 25, June 13, Trying driving in Orange County, California". New York State Thruway Authority. April 9, Retrieved December 28, April Archived from the original PDF on February 7, Retrieved February 5, York Region. Retrieved January 29, Retrieved March 2, December 8, Retrieved January 6, Ministry officials explained Friday morning that in the interim, the north-south section from Highway to Taunton will also be called Highway Once the full north-south toll road from Highway to Highway is complete in two years, the name will revert to Highway Controlled-access highways of Ontario.

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